精彩英語演講稿(精選多篇)

第一篇：如何寫出精彩的英語演講稿

如何寫出精彩的英語演講稿

當今社會，交流溝通變得異常重要，而公共英語演講就是其最常見和有效的手段之一。無論是在學習還是工作中，我們會越來越多地接觸到公共英語演講，小到課堂的presentation、工作中的團建，大到學術大會上的發言、總統競選。那麼，如何才能寫出精彩的英語演講稿呢？對於初學者來講，怎麼把握其寫作的關鍵呢？下面，我將從大家熟知並廣為推崇的喬布斯xx年斯坦福大學的畢業演講稿為範本，給大傢俱體剖析精彩英語演講稿的寫作要點，以幫助大家進一步瞭解其基本寫作要領和指導大家的寫作實踐。

一、結構清楚，邏輯明晰

由於公共演講一般受眾為數十人甚至數百、數千人，再加上演講環境的不確定性（比如：觀眾的歡呼，或者抱怨），最好在進入主題後馬上給出所講內容的邏輯框架，以便聽眾更好的預判整個演講內容，有利於他們更好地跟隨演講者的思路，達到良好的演講效果。比如，喬布斯在該次演講中，開篇稍微寒暄開篇之後，就進入正題，“today i want to tell you three stories from my life. that's it. no big deal. just three stories.”學生們馬上能做出邏輯預判，我們今天會聽到喬布斯談三點，然後具體關注是哪三點，這種演講就具備了“audience-centeredness”（以觀眾為中心）的特質。喬布斯在隨後的演講中明確提到，“the first story is about connecting the dots. my second story is about love and loss. my third story is about death.”由於這種明晰的思路，聽眾在聽完之後也會記憶猶新，不會覺得頭腦混亂，毫無所得。

當然，演講稿的邏輯安排有多種方式，喬布斯的這篇演講是按照topical order（話題順序）和chronological order（時間順序）來安排的。除此之外, 還有 spatial order（空間順序）, problem-solutution order（提問解決順序）等等。大家可以根據不同的演講內容來安排自己演講稿的邏輯順序和結構。

二、開篇出彩，結尾有道

演講稿的開篇和結尾往往需要花費大量的功夫去設計，這往往是精彩演講的亮點所在。因此，在寫作時，需要結合受眾、場合和演講內容等，爭取一開始就緊緊抓住聽眾的注意力和興趣所在，結尾時，儘量做到意味深長、啟發思考。下面，我將給大傢俱體分析基本的開篇和結尾模式，供大家以後寫作參考。

開篇的目的是要吸引聽眾，喬布斯在該篇演講稿中使用的是“relate the topic to the audience"（關聯話題與聽眾）的方式，這是一種比較有效的方法，人們一般對自己的事情都很關注，和自己相關的事情也會格外留意，喬布斯在開篇説到，“i am honored to be with you today at your

commencement from one of the finest universities in the world. i never graduated from college. truth be told, i never graduated from college. this is the closest i've ever gotten to a college

graduation.”高度讚美斯坦福大學是最好的大學之一，就是在與聽眾發生關聯，讓大家產生好感，當然老喬還用了適當的幽默，更好地融洽了與聽眾的關係，“簡潔、有效”本就是喬布斯的演講風格。除此之外，還有其他的一些開篇方式，我們也需要了解和掌握。 1. state the importance of your topic（指出演講話題的重要性）。直接告訴聽眾，你的演講重要在哪裏。比如：今天要做的是一場“英語演講的藝術”的演講，那開始就直接指出，該演講對於大家今後的學習工作將會有重大的幫助，甚至給出一些數據和實例，讓聽眾明白不聽這個演講將會是我的損失。這樣，聽眾就會很樂意投入到該次演講中去。2. startle the audience （使聽眾震驚）。例如：要做一場關於“生活方式與疾病”的演講，開篇就可以給出一組極具衝擊力的數據，讓聽眾看到生活方式的不健康將會是多麼可怕的事情，這樣的震驚使聽眾能夠快速調整狀態，投入到聽演講中去。3. arouse the curiosity of the audience（引起聽眾的好奇心）4. question the audience（向觀眾提問）。5. begin with a quotation（以引用開篇）。6. tell a story （以故事開篇）。這些基本開篇的方式被無數的演講證明是實用而且有效的。

結尾往往可以起到“畫龍點睛”的作用，開篇正文再好，如果結尾過於平淡，整個演講的精彩程度都會大打折扣。那麼如何做到“結尾有道”呢？首

先，我們來看看喬布斯的這篇演講稿，他的結尾比開篇更加出彩，採用的是“end with a quotation”，達到的效果是特別引人深思。他在結尾説道，“stewart and his team put out several issues of the whole earth catalog, and then when it had run its course, they put out a final issue. it was the mid-1970s, and i was your age. on the back cover of their final issue was a photograph of an early morning country road, the kind you might find yourself hitch hiking on if you were so

adventurous. beneath it were the words: "stay hungry. stay foolish." it was their farewell message as they signed off. stay hungry. stay foolish. and i have always wished that for myself. and now, as you graduate to begin anew, i wish that for you. stay hungry. stay

foolish.”他不僅在結尾引用這句“stay hungry. stay foolish”（求知若渴，虛懷若谷），而且重複三遍，強化聽眾的印象，這句話也被廣泛傳播，被譽為該篇演講的“精髓”。

在結尾時，可以用結束信號詞讓聽眾明白你要準備結尾了，不要讓演講結束得太突兀，比如，“in conclusion", "let me end my speech by

saying...", "i'd like to close my speech this way."等。具體的結尾方式很多，常見的有：1. summarize your speech（總結演講）。2. make a dramatic statement（強有力的陳述），這個不同於引用他人之言，往往是演講者自己的沉澱和吶喊，非常經典的演講是patrick henry's legendary "liberty or death" oration. 他在結尾時説道，"is life so dear, or

peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? forbid it, almighty god! i know not what course others may take; but as for mw, give me liberty, or give me death." 3. refer to the

introduction（首尾呼應）。這是體現演講內在統一的很經典的形式，值得借鑑。

三、觀點闡釋，有效支撐

毫無疑問，主體段的信息量最大，寫作量也是最大，如何更清晰地闡釋演講者的觀點，有效支撐分論點，是寫作時應該把握的關鍵。在明晰了寫作邏輯之後，就要圍繞這些邏輯要點來展開論證。喬布斯在斯坦福大學的畢業演講

中，邏輯要點有三：1. the first story is about connecting the dots.2. my second story is about love and loss. 3. my third story is about death. 他在闡釋中主要運用了以下手段。首先，舉例子。文中用了大量的例子來説明他怎麼對待學習、工作和死亡，比如他説起自己決定輟學然後旁聽有意思的課程，這些課當時對他沒什麼實質的幫助，但是十年後在當他設計第一款macintosh 電腦的時候，這些東西全派上了用場，這個例子充分説明了他要講的第一個要點-- 串起生命中的點滴。在隨後的文中，喬布斯大量地講述了他事業生活中的例子，讓聽眾感受到真實的力量和鼓舞。其次，引用。他除了在文章最後用到了引用，文中也不乏引用的痕跡，比如在講到死亡時，他引用了一句格言，“if you live each day as if it was your last, someday you'll most certainly be right.”這句話能表明他對於死亡的態度。恰到好處的引用往往能使聽眾印象深刻。第三，數據。在講第二個故事--關於愛和失去時，喬布斯用到了一系列數據來支撐觀點。他説自己是幸運的，因為，“woz and i started apple in my parents garage when i was 20. we worked hard, and in 10 years apple had grown from just the two of us in a garage into a $2 billion company with over 4000 employees. we had just released our finest creation — the macintosh — a year earlier, and i had just turned 30.”數據很直觀，能讓聽眾有直接的認識和理解。

除了以上提到的主體段展開方式，還有一些常用的手段，比如：testimony（引證），可以用專家的觀點增強演講的信度，也可以用普通人的一手經驗證明自己的觀點。另外，大家還需要了解的是，舉例分為簡短的例子，具體深入的例子和假想的例子；數據包括單一數據，組合數據等等。

如何才能更加有效掌握這些演講寫作的要點呢？我有三點建議：1.多看。多看一些演講素材，比如名人演講，演講比賽優秀選手的演講等，積累大量的一手素材，當然也有必要閲讀關於英語公共演講的書籍，本人非常推薦

stephen e. lucas的《演講的藝術》。2.多想。學會分析這些演講之所以精彩

的原因，可以從我上面講的幾點入手。3.多練。在有一定積澱和感覺之後，就要大量練習寫作演講稿，話題可以從日常學習和工作中選取，實用性要強，這樣練起來更有興趣和成就感。最後，大家要明白一點，好的公共演講除了演講稿要好，還有別的很多因素絕不可忽視，比如：語言質量，肢體語言，視覺輔助，語音語調，臨場反應，現場把控能力等，這些結合在一起才能最終讓你成為一個優秀的公共演講者。

第二篇：精彩英語演講稿：我的座右銘

i have a super motto.

it works like magic.

it's "just do your best."

i say it all the time.

it guides me every day.

it's helpful in many ways.

it helps me face challenges.

it takes away my worries.

it makes me feel stronger, too.

one day i was sick.

i had an important test.

i was very nervous and afraid.

i told myself, "just do your best.

give your best effort.

give one hundred percent."

then i had courage.

i became confident.

as a result, i did a wonderful job.

please follow this motto.

say it every day.

you can benefit, too.

don't worry about the outcome.

don't compare yourself with others.

just do your best.

i believe anything is possible.

where there's a will, there's a way.

so please do your best every day.

第三篇：diven's 絕對精彩英語演講稿

hi, everybody! my name is diven. first , i want to thank new oriental school for giving me this chance to make friends with the english learning enthusiasts from all over the country as you see, i am an alive and kicking old boy who's ready to get more new friends here. personally, i do love making friends with strangers, through which i get to know stories of them. (time limited) to make my whole story short, i would like just to share a few of my views on making friends. to us, life is more like a winding river crossing time than a straight road heading toward the future. making new friends is like finding new flowing rivers crossing our own, some of them stirring, some silent and some even mysterious. they came as they did, all of a sudden. a total indifference to who and what we used to be! but, for better or worse, we believe each of them is telling a beautiful life story of its own. every life is for what it is worth. sometimes, you will find a few of them could ever be so incredibly marvellous and attracting that you cannot help yourself drinking some luscious water of them, to absorb instructive and useful elements for your whole life. that is exactly how we are influenced by our dearest friends. every life is beautiful. i hope that when my hair grows white and i look back, i can see my life has been full of beautiful interlacing rivers. look, how beautiful they are! i love life. i love beautiful things. i love happiness，however,

life is not all about blissful moments. kind of making it up , "past pain is joy " goes the saying. it is true that only when most of our young time is gone far away and we take the rest to look way back can we find even those hard times of our lives look amazing; even those time when we were hurt by our loved ones，now we see happy tears . time cures heart and makes it to forgive, believe it or not, but time also can make every life look beautiful ,and time makes love between friends grow fonder. and that's all about it. thanks.

譯文：

嗨，大家好！我的名字叫diven。首先，我想感謝新東方學校給我這個機會來結識各位來自全國各地的英語學習愛好者。 正如你們所見，我是一個準備好要在這裏交更多新朋友的“活蹦亂跳”的老男孩。就本人而言，我十分喜歡和陌生人交友，並藉此來了解別人的故事。（由於時間所限），我就把我的故事長話短説吧，我想分享一點點關於交朋友的心得。對我們而言，與其説生命像一條朝着未來筆直挺進的道路，不如説它像一條在時間裏蜿蜒穿越的河流。結交新的朋友就好像發現了新的流淌的河流在從我們自己的河流中穿過。他們有的激越澎湃、有的靜謐無語、有的甚至神祕莫測。他們就這樣來了，完全不關心我們曾經叫什

麼名字，是什麼樣的人，一切是那麼突如其來！但是，無論是好是壞，我們相信他們中的每一個人都有一個屬於自己的美麗的生命故事。每個生命都有它自己的價值所在。有時，你會發現他們中間有一小部分竟會是如此驚豔、如此迷人，以至於你禁不住想要喝他們的美德之泉，暢飲不輟，受用終身。我們親愛的朋友們就是通過這種方式來影響我們。每個生命都很美。我希望，當我的頭髮開始變白的時候，回頭看看，我的生命中已經充滿了縱橫交錯的美麗的河流!瞧，他們多美啊!我愛生命。我愛美麗的事物，我愛快樂。但是，生命並不全是快樂時光。然而似乎是為了彌補這一缺憾，有句名言説道，“過去的痛苦是今天的快樂。”只有當我們大部分的青春時光遠遠的走開了，我們才會用我們剩下的時間來看一眼遠遠的身後。現在，就連我們那些艱難的時光也看起來如此令人興奮；在那些曾經被我們心愛的人傷害的時光裏，此刻我們看到了幸福的眼淚。時間治癒我們的心靈，教會它原諒。信不信由你，時間也讓生命看上去很美，時間讓朋友間的情誼更加深厚。這就是我要講的，謝謝。

第四篇：精彩英語勵志演講稿

《winston churchill's iron curtain speech》

winston churchill presented his sinews of peace, ， at westminster college in fulton, missouri on march 5, 1946 .

president mccluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the president of the united states of america:

i am very glad indeed to come to westminster college this afternoon, and i am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. the name “westminster” somehow or other seems familiar to me. i feel as if i have heard of it before. indeed now that i come to think of it, it was at westminster that i received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. in fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.

it is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the president of the united states. amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the president has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. the president has told you that it is his wish, as i am sure it is yours, that i should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. i shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions i may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. let me however make it clear that i have no official mission or status of any kind, and that i speak only for myself. there is nothing here but what you see.

i can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength i have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.

ladies and gentlemen, the united states stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. it is a solemn moment for the american democracy. for with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. if you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. to reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. it is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the english-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. we must, and i believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.

president mccluer, when american military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words “over-all strategic concept”. there is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. what then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? it is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. and here i speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.

to give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. we al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. the awful ruin of europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of asia glares us in the eyes. when the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty states dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. for them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.

when i stand here this quiet afternoon i shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. none can compute what has been called “the unestimated sum of human pain”. our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. we are all agreed on that.

our american military colleagues, after having proclaimed their “over-all strategic concept” and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -- namely, the method. here again there is widespread agreement. a world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. uno, the successor of the league of nations, with the decisive addition of the united states and all that that means, is already at work. we must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a tower of babel. before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them -- i cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.

i have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. the united nations organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. in such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. i propose that each of the powers and states should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. these squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. they would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. they would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. this might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. i wished to see this done after the first world war, and i devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.

it would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the united states, great britain, and canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. it would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. no one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in american hands. i do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some communist or neo-facist state monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. the fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. god has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.

now i come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. we cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the united states and throughout the british empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. in these states control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. the power of the state is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. it is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the english-speaking world and which through magna carta, the bill of rights, the habeas corpus, trial by jury, and the english common law find their most famous expression in the american declaration of independence.

all this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. here is the message of the british and american peoples to mankind. let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.

though i have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, war and tyranny, i have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. but if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.

now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. i have often used words which i learn fifty years ago from a great irish-american orator, a friend of mine, mr. bourke cockran, “there is enough for all. the earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace.” so far i feel that we are in full agreement.

now, while still pursing the method -- the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, i come to the crux of what i have traveled here to say. neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what i have called the fraternal association of the english-speaking peoples. this means a special relationship between the british commonwealth and empire and the united states of america. ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and i will venture to the precise. fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. it should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all naval and air force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. this would perhaps double the mobility of the american navy and air force. it would greatly expand that of the british empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.

the united states has already a permanent defense agreement with the dominion of canada, which is so devotedly attached to the british commonwealth and the empire. this agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. this principle should be extended to all the british commonwealths with full reciprocity. thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. eventually there may come -- i feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.

there is however an important question we must ask ourselves. would a special relationship between the united states and the british commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the world organization? i reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. there are already the special united states relations with canada that i have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the united states and the south american republics. we british have also our twenty years treaty of collaboration and mutual assistance with soviet russia. i agree with mr. bevin, the foreign secretary of great britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. we aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with russia. the british have an alliance with portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. none of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. “in my father's house are many mansions.” special associations between members of the united nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the charter of the united nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as i believe, indispensable.

i spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the temple of peace. workmen from all countries must build that temple. if two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have “faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings” -- to quote some good words i read here the other day -- why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. the dark ages may return, the stone age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material(請你收藏好 範 文，請便下次訪問：) blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. beware, i say; time may be short. do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. if there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of i have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. there is the path of wisdom. prevention is better than the cure.

a shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the allied victory. nobody knows what soviet russia and its communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. i have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant russian people and for my wartime comrade, marshall stalin. there is deep sympathy and goodwill in britain -- and i doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. we understand the russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of german aggression. we welcome russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. we welcome her flag upon the seas. above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the russian people and our own people on both sides of the atlantic. it is my duty however, for i am sure you would wish me to state the facts as i see them to you. it is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in europe.

from stettin in the baltic to trieste in the adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the continent. behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of central and eastern europe. warsaw, berlin, prague, vienna, budapest, belgrade, bucharest and sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what i must call the soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from moscow. athens alone -- greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under british, american and french observation. the russian-dominated polish government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon germany, and mass expulsions of millions of germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. the communist parties, which were very small in all these eastern states of europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.

turkey and persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the moscow government. an attempt is being made by the russians in berlin to build up a quasi-communist party in their zone of occupied germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing german leaders. at the end of the fighting last june, the american and british armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the western democracies had conquered.

if no the soviet government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-communist germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the american and british zones, and will give the defeated germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the soviets and the western democracies. whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the liberated europe we fought to build up. nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.

the safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. it is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. twice in our own lifetime we have seen the united states, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. twice the united state has had to send several millions of its young men across the atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of europe, within the structure of the united nations and in accordance with our charter. that i feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.

in front of the iron curtain which lies across europe are other causes for anxiety. in italy the communist party is seriously hampered by having to support the communist-trained marshal tito's claims to former italian territory at the head of the adriatic. nevertheless the future of italy hangs in the balance. again one cannot imagine a regenerated europe without a strong france. all my public life i never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. i will not lose faith now. however, in a great number of countries, far from the russian frontiers and throughout the world, communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the communist center. except in the british commonwealth and in the united states where communism is in its infancy, the communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to christian civilization. these are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.

the outlook is also anxious in the far east and especially in manchuria. the agreement which was made at yalta, to which i was a party, was extremely favorable to soviet russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the german war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the german war. in this country you all so well-informed about the far east, and such devoted friends of china, that i do not need to expatiate on the situation there.

i have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. i was a minister at the time of the versailles treaty and a close friend of mr. lloyd-george, who was the head of the british delegation at versailles. i did not myself agree with many things that were done, but i have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and i find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. in those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the league of nations would become all-powerful. i do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.

on the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, i repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. it is because i am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that i feel the duty to speak out now that i have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. i do not believe that soviet russia desires war. what they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. but what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. they will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. what is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.

from what i have seen of our russian friends and allies during the war, i am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. for that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. we cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. if the western democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. if however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.

last time i saw it all coming and i cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. up till the year 1933 or even 1935, germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. it could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. we surely, ladies and gentlemen, i put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. this can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with russia under the general authority of the united nations organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the english-speaking world and all its connections. there is the solution which i respectfully offer to you in this address to which i have given the title, “the sinews of peace”.

let no man underrate the abiding power of the british empire and commonwealth. because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. if the population of the english-speaking commonwealths be added to that of the united states with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. on the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. if we adhere faithfully to the charter of the united nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all british moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.

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